Gemeinwohl und Sonderinteressen

Bei aufmerksamem Lesen findet man in der NYTimes regelmäßig berichte über die Wirkung von Lobbyismus auf die amerikanische Politik. Dieser Zusammenhang ist ein Hauptargument von mir, Politik und Wirtschaft nicht als zwei getrennte Systeme zu verstehen. Und damit letztlich ein Zweifel an dem Idealbild des starken, effizienten Marktes, der im richtigen gesetzlichen Rahmen zu aller Wohl führt. Meine These: Der Markt macht sich zu weiten Teilen seinen Rahmen selbst. Welche Folgen das für politische und ökonomische Alternativkonzepte hat muss ich hier offen lassen.

Statt dessen zitiere ich aus einem Artikel über den Kampf der amerikanischen Banken gegen eine ausgeweitete Privatinsolvenz, in dem einige interessante Mechanismen ausgeführt werden:

[…] the Helping Families Save Their Homes Act, was missing its centerpiece: a change in bankruptcy law […] that would have given judges the power to lower the amount owed on a home loan.

It had been stripped out three weeks earlier in a showdown between Senate Democrats and the nation’s banks, including many that are getting big government bailouts.

As Congressional Democrats and the White House crow about multiple victories over the financial industry, including new rules for credit card issuers, banks are quietly savoring an even bigger victory of their own.

Es geht mit Geld:

Within his own party, moderates were badly split. Some, like Senator Tim Johnson of South Dakota and Senator Thomas R. Carper of Delaware, represent states that are the corporate home to major banks. The industry has showered both lawmakers with campaign cash.

Und politischem Druck in verschiedenen Richtungen, um die Lager zusammenzuhalten:

Mr. Durbin next sought a compromise with credit unions and three large banks — Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase and Wells Fargo. In April, at a delicate stage in the talks, Mr. Durbin gave the banks a proposed compromise that was marked not to be circulated, a senior Congressional aide involved in the talks recalled.

Within six minutes, the memo was distributed to the entire Republican caucus — along with a warning from Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the minority leader, to stay away from it. The compromise went nowhere.

[…]

Senator Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican leading the charge against the bankruptcy change, told bankers there would be consequences if they dealt with the Democrats. According to an April 20 e-mail message between industry officials in touch with Mr. Kyl, he told them “not to make a deal with Durbin and then come looking to Republicans when they need help on something like regulatory restructuring.”

Am schönsten sind natürlich persönliche Kontakte:

Moreover, Timothy F. Geithner, the Treasury secretary, did not seem to share Mr. Obama’s enthusiasm for the bankruptcy change.

Mr. Geithner was lobbied by the industry early. Two days after he was sworn in, he invited Mr. Fine from the community bankers to his office for a private meeting. The association, with influential members in every Congressional district, is one of Washington’s most powerful trade groups.

Könnte ja alles ein Teil des normalen demokratischen Prozesses sein, alle Interessen organisieren sich, verschaffen sich Gehör, am Ende steht die beste Lösung. Naja:

There was no counterweight to that legislative muscle. Bankrupt homeowners do not have a political action committee or lobbyists.

Mr. Fine reports that the political action committees run by his association alone have built a war chest of nearly $2 million, a 40 percent jump over the last year, even though members have had to cut other expenses in the recession.

“The banks get it,” Mr. Fine said. “They understand you need a strong political action committee to get access to the fund-raisers. That’s where the lawmakers are.”

Wer dazu mehr Informationen möchte, kann sich übrigens die Seite des Center for Responsive Politics anschauen, wo viele der Geldströme und Lobbyausgaben nachgezeichnet werden. Wenn man sich etwa die Tabelle mit den Top Spendern in Lobbyausgaben 2008 anschaut, wird einem schwummrig:

Lobbying Client Total
US Chamber of Commerce $91,615,000
Exxon Mobil $29,000,000
AARP $27,900,000
PG&E Corp $27,250,000
Northrop Grumman $20,743,252
American Medical Assn $20,555,000
Pharmaceutical Rsrch & Mfrs of America $20,220,000
American Hospital Assn $19,652,914
General Electric $19,423,000
Verizon Communications $18,020,000
National Assn of Realtors $17,340,000
Boeing Co $16,610,000
Lockheed Martin $15,841,506
Koch Industries $15,450,000
AT&T Inc $15,076,675
National Cable & Telecommunications Assn $14,420,000
Southern Co $14,080,000
Blue Cross/Blue Shield $13,951,699
Altria Group $13,840,000
General Motors $13,781,000

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Datum: Freitag, 5. Juni 2009 12:42
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